-
Re: pictures
Tardive dyskinesia is often misdiagnosed as a mental illness rather than a neurological disorder,[11] and as a result, people are prescribed neuroleptic drugs, which increase the probability that the person will develop a severe and disabling case, and shortening the typical survival period
Tardive dyskinesia - Wikipedia
- - - Updated - - -
Common side effects include movement problems, sleepiness, dizziness, trouble seeing, constipation, and increased weight.[2][4] Serious side effects may include the potentially permanent movement disorder tardive dyskinesia, as well as neuroleptic malignant syndrome, an increased risk of suicide, and high blood sugar levels.[2][3] In older people with psychosis as a result of dementia, it may increase the risk of dying.[2] It is unknown if it is safe for use in pregnancy.[2] Its mechanism of action is not entirely clear, but is believed to be related to its action as a dopamine antagonist and serotonin antagonist.
Risperidone - Wikipedia
- - - Updated - - -
282641
-
Re: pictures
-
Re: pictures
-
Re: pictures
-
Re: pictures
YouTube
- - - Updated - - -
YouTube
-
Re: pictures
R
Yeah
Desert sky
Dream beneath a desert sky
The rivers run but soon run dry
We need new dreams tonight
Desert rose
Dreamed I saw a desert rose
Dress torn in ribbons and in bows
Like a siren she calls to me
Sleep comes like a drug
In God's Country
Sad eyes, crooked crosses
In God's Country
Set me alight
We'll punch a hole right through the night
Everyday the dreamers die
See what's on the other side
She is liberty
And she comes to rescue me
Hope, faith, her vanity
The greatest gift is gold
Sleep comes like a drug
In God's Country
Sad eyes, crooked crosses
In God's Country
Naked flame
She stands with a naked flame
I stand with the sons of Cain
Burned by the fire of love
Burned by the fire of love
-
Re: pictures
-
Re: pictures
-
Re: pictures
fulenn aour is the lament of a young girl sold by her parents to become a prostitute in the Philippines.
A variation on this topic is forced marriage, of which the narrator of A-dre?v va zi is a victim.
Given before her thirteenth birthday to a man who makes her a slave, she sheds her tears on the tree she planted, which bears the best fruit in the world. She hanged her husband, her mother-in-law and her parents on that tree.
-
Re: pictures
In January 1937, near the end of Franklin Roosevelt’s first term as president, Life magazine published a map of the United States spread over two full pages. The headline read: “What President Roosevelt Did to the Map of the U.S. in Four Years with $6,500,000,000.”
Scattered around the map were dozens of small drawings, each showing a project funded by Roosevelt’s stimulus program. They included the Triborough Bridge, Manhattan’s Midtown tunnels, bridges on Cape Cod, schools in South Carolina, dorms at Texas Tech, the Kansas City Civic Auditorium, the Los Angeles Aqueduct and the Grand Coulee Dam. A few of the drawings summarized broader projects, like “2 U.S. aircraft carriers” and “120 U.S. airports.”
Since taking office in 1933, Roosevelt hadn’t only rescued the country from the Great Depression. He had made sure that the country knew he had rescued it. His projects were big, tangible and unmistakably the work of the federal government. The projects changed how Americans thought about government.
In recent decades, Democrats have too often forgotten this lesson. They have created technocratically elegant policies that quietly improve people’s lives, like tax credits or insurance subsidies. The problem with this approach is that it does little to build popular support for government action.
Put it this way: How many projects can you name from Barack Obama’s stimulus program? Can you name any project or agency that Bill Clinton created?
Clinton and, even more so, Obama, were successful presidents. Yet their administrations were still hindered by a certain na?vet?. Officials sometimes tried to perfect policy design while proudly ignoring political impact, as if the two could be separated in a democracy.
Republicans don’t suffer from this na?vet?. Again and again, they push policies meant to affect politics, such as campaign-finance deregulation, voting restrictions and labor-union constraints. Republicans understand a concept that political scientists refer to as “policy feedback” — namely, that policy can influence politics in ways that make future policy changes more or less likely.
In the last several years, policy feedback has finally started getting more attention in progressive circles. And one of the politicians who’s most interested in the subject happens to be running for president: Elizabeth Warren.
TER Make sense of the news with David’s commentary and reading suggestions every weekday morning. Sign up here.
While the rest of the Obama administration was pushing a financial-reform bill that was impenetrable to most Americans, Warren insisted on an idea with Rooseveltian simplicity. It became the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which tries to protect people from being cheated or deceived by banks.
Warren’s presidential agenda has several other easily understandable ideas, like a $200-a-month increase in Social Security benefits, a price reduction for insulin and other popular drugs, the cancellation of up to $50,000 in student debt and a wealth tax. During a recent interview with her, I mentioned that she seemed to believe that bigger ideas were sometimes easier to accomplish than more modest ones. “I do,” she replied. Big ideas can inspire people; tax credits do not.
I don’t agree with all of Warren’s ideas (see: Medicare for All), but I think she is onto something important here. Creating a new era of progressive change — to take on problems like climate change and extreme inequality — depends on persuading more Americans that government is a force for good.
The best way to improve the image of government is not through soaring speeches by politicians. It’s through a version of the old journalism clich?: Show, don’t tell. “You want people to be able to see the way government is helping them,” Jacob Hacker, a Yale political scientist, says, “and have a stake in defending it.”
Right now, the government often does the opposite. Many programs are hidden in the tax code, as Suzanne Mettler of Cornell explained in her book “The Submerged State.” Upper-middle-class families receive thousands of dollars from the mortgage-interest deduction without thinking of it as a government benefit. Lower-income families sign up for the earned-income tax credit by visiting a tax-preparation company, which can make the benefit appear to come from H&R Block, rather than Uncle Sam.
The Obama stimulus remains the canonical example. Out of a well-intended desire to get Americans to spend more of their stimulus tax cut, the administration snuck the money into people’s paychecks, rather than sending one-time checks (as George W. Bush had done in 2001) that families might have saved.
Economically, it worked. Spending rose, helping to end the financial crisis. Politically, it was a dud. Many Americans gave Obama little credit and voted for Republicans in the 2010 midterms, virtually killing his larger legislative agenda. The stealth tax cut was a smart idea, but it needed to be paired with more salient forms of stimulus, like those projects on the Life Magazine map.
One reason that modern-day Democrats have pursued technocratic policies is the desire to win some Republican votes in Congress. Yet those votes almost never materialize. Today’s Republican Party is too radical. Democrats are then left defending complex programs — like Obamacare’s private exchanges — rather than simple, popular ones — like an expanded Medicare, open to all who want it.
The next Democratic president, whoever it is, shouldn’t repeat this mistake. In climate policy, this would mean putting more emphasis on a green-jobs program than on a hated carbon tax. In education, it could mean creating a “public option” for pre-K. In every area, it also means making sure that government functions well.
Public policy really does have the potential to shape public opinion. Years after Roosevelt created Social Security, one of his advisers suggested to him that funding it with a new tax — the payroll tax — had been a mistake during the Depression. Roosevelt responded that the tax transformed the politics of Social Security, making it feel like a savings program rather than welfare.
“I guess you’re right on the economics,” Roosevelt told the adviser. But “those taxes aren’t a matter of economics — they’re straight politics.” As the president explained, “With those taxes in there, no damn politician can ever scrap my Social Security program.”
K Why Americans Love Social SecurityDec. 19, 2019
Opinion | The Presidency Is Not EnoughNov. 4, 2019
Opinion | Which of the F.D.R. Wannabes Actually Understands New Deal Liberalism?June 21, 2019
The x is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips.
on Facebook, Twitter (oinion) and Instagram.
Jan. 14
John Bolton, then President Trump’s national security adviser, in the Oval Office in August.
Incarcerate John Bolton
Jan. 9
Iran launched missiles at two military bases in Iraq where American troops are stationed early Wednesday, in response to the killing of Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani.
After Iran’s Missile Attack
Jan. 8
Bernie Sanders speaking to supporters in Atlanta, Ga., in November.
Dustin Chambers for The New York Times
Gail Collins and Bret Stephens
How Does President Sanders Sound to You?
Jan. 14
Adeena Sussman’s “lk.
- - - Updated - - -
123
- - - Updated - - -
Mum terrified after ‘hundreds’ of spiders burst from bunch of bananas
- - - Updated - - -
Mum terrified after ‘hundreds’ of spiders burst from bunch of bananas
